Quotes by Benjamin Disraeli
This is the third time that, in the course of six years, during which I have had the lead of the Opposition in the House of Commons, I have stormed the Treasury Benches: twice, fruitlessly, the third time with a tin kettle to my tail which rendered the race hopeless. You cannot, therefore, be surprised, that I am a little wearied of these barren victories, which like Alma, Inkerman, and Balaclava, may be glorious but are certainly nothing more.
In a progressive country change is constant;… change … is inevitable.
How much easier it is to be critical than to be correct.
You cannot choose between party government and Parliamentary government. I say you can have no Parliamentary government if you have no party government; and therefore when gentlemen denounce party government, they strike at the scheme of government which, in my opinion, has made this country great, and which, I hope, will keep it great.
Finality is not the language of politics.
The secret of success is constancy to purpose.
Yes, I am a Jew, and when the ancestors of the right honorable gentleman were brutal savages in an unknown island, mine were priests in the temple of Solomon.
What is earnest is not always true; on the contrary, error is often more earnest than truth.
Sir, I say that justice is truth in action.
The legacy of heroes — the memory of a great name and the inheritance of a great example.
Never take anything for granted.
I will sit down now, but the time will come when you will hear me.
Things must be done by parties, not by persons using parties as tools.
Lord Salisbury and myself have brought you back peace, but a peace, I hope, with honour which may satisfy our Sovereign, and tend to the welfare of the country.
To govern men, you must either excel them in their accomplishments, or despise them.
Colonies do not cease to be colonies because they are independent.
Ignorance never settles a question.
A university should be a place of light, of liberty, and of learning.
A Conservative government is an organized hypocrisy.
Nationality is the miracle of political independence; race is the principle of physical analogy.
It is well-known what a middleman is: he is a man who bamboozles one party and plunders the other.
The characteristic of the present age is craving credulity.
Individualities may form communities, but it is institutions alone that can create a nation.
What is the question now placed before society with the glib assurance which to me is most astonishing? That question is this: Is man an ape or an angel? I, my lord, I am on the side of the angels. I repudiate with
A series of congratulatory regrets.
The noble lord is the Prince Rupert of parliamentary discussion: his charge is resistless, but when he returns from the pursuit he always finds his camp in the possession of the enemy.
My objection to Liberalism is this—that it is the introduction into the practical business of life of the highest kind—namely, politics—of philosophical ideas instead of political principles.
It is knowledge that influences and equalises the social condition of man; that gives to all, however different their political position, passions which are in common, and enjoyments which are universal.
Consider Ireland. You have a starving population, an absentee aristocracy, and an alien Church, and in addition the weakest executive in the world. That is the Irish Question.
Free trade is not a principle; it is an expedient.
At present the peace of the world has been preserved, not by statesmen, but by capitalists.
For nearly five years the present Ministers have harassed every trade, worried every profession, and assailed or menaced every class, institution, and species of property in the country. Occasionally they have
The right honourable gentleman Sir Robert Peel tells us to go back to precedents; with him a great measure is always founded on a small precedent. He traces the steam-engine always back to the tea-kettle. His precedents are generally tea-kettle precedents.
You behold a range of exhausted volcanoes. Not a flame flickers on a single pallid crest.
The right honorable gentleman caught the Whigs bathing and walked away with their clothes. He has left them in the full enjoyment of their liberal positions, and he is himself a strict conservative of their garments.
It has been said that the people of this country are deeply interested in the humanitarian and philanthropic considerations involved in the Eastern Question. All must appreciate such feelings. But I am mistaken if
We have brought a peace, and we trust we have brought a peace with honour, and I trust that that will now be followed by the prosperity of the country.
Increased means and increased leisure are the two civilizers of man.
What, then, was that policy? It was a policy of conditional neutrality. Under the circumstances of the case we did not believe that it was for the honour or interest of England or Turkey that we should take any
We are the children of the gods, and are never more the slaves of circumstance than when we deem ourselves their masters. What may next happen in the dazzling farce of life, the Fates only know.
Posterity is a most limited assembly. Those gentlemen who reach posterity are not much more numerous than the planets.
Upon the education of the people of this country the fate of this country depends.
It has been discovered that the best way to insure implicit obedience is to commence tyranny in the nursery.
Coalitions though successful have always found this, that their triumph has been brief.
A precedent embalms a principle.
Gentlemen, the Tory party, unless it is a national party, is nothing.
An author who speaks about his own books is almost as bad as a mother who talks about her own children.
Apologies only account for that which they do not alter.
He seems to think that posterity is a pack-horse, always ready to be loaded.
King Louis Philippe once said to me that he attributed the great success of the British nation in political life to their talking politics after dinner.
The difference of race is one of the reasons why I fear war may always exist; because race implies difference, difference implies superiority, and superiority leads to predominance.
In the character of the victim Lincoln‚ and even in the accessories of his last moments‚ there is something so homely and innocent that it takes the question‚ as it were‚ out of all the pomp of history and the
The harebrained chatter of irresponsible frivolity.
I see before me the statue of a celebrated minister, who said that confidence was a plant of slow growth. But I believe, however gradual may be the growth of confidence, that of credit requires still more time to
The health of the people is really the foundation upon which all their happiness and all their powers as a state depend.
You have despoiled churches. You have threatened every corporation and endowment in the country. You have examined into everybody’s affairs. You have criticised every profession and vexed every trade.
Protection is not a principle, but an expedient.
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