Quotes by Benjamin Disraeli
The health of the people is really the foundation upon which all their happiness and all their powers as a state depend.
Upon the education of the people of this country the fate of this country depends.
I see before me the statue of a celebrated minister, who said that confidence was a plant of slow growth. But I believe, however gradual may be the growth of confidence, that of credit requires still more time to
A precedent embalms a principle.
Individualities may form communities, but it is institutions alone that can create a nation.
The right honorable gentleman caught the Whigs bathing and walked away with their clothes. He has left them in the full enjoyment of their liberal positions, and he is himself a strict conservative of their garments.
Nationality is the miracle of political independence; race is the principle of physical analogy.
Never take anything for granted.
What is earnest is not always true; on the contrary, error is often more earnest than truth.
It has been discovered that the best way to insure implicit obedience is to commence tyranny in the nursery.
You have despoiled churches. You have threatened every corporation and endowment in the country. You have examined into everybody’s affairs. You have criticised every profession and vexed every trade.
Finality is not the language of politics.
Things must be done by parties, not by persons using parties as tools.
A Conservative government is an organized hypocrisy.
Posterity is a most limited assembly. Those gentlemen who reach posterity are not much more numerous than the planets.
A series of congratulatory regrets.
Consider Ireland. You have a starving population, an absentee aristocracy, and an alien Church, and in addition the weakest executive in the world. That is the Irish Question.
To govern men, you must either excel them in their accomplishments, or despise them.
You behold a range of exhausted volcanoes. Not a flame flickers on a single pallid crest.
Sir, I say that justice is truth in action.
It is knowledge that influences and equalises the social condition of man; that gives to all, however different their political position, passions which are in common, and enjoyments which are universal.
It is well-known what a middleman is: he is a man who bamboozles one party and plunders the other.
Ignorance never settles a question.
We are the children of the gods, and are never more the slaves of circumstance than when we deem ourselves their masters. What may next happen in the dazzling farce of life, the Fates only know.
In a progressive country change is constant;… change … is inevitable.
For nearly five years the present Ministers have harassed every trade, worried every profession, and assailed or menaced every class, institution, and species of property in the country. Occasionally they have
My objection to Liberalism is this—that it is the introduction into the practical business of life of the highest kind—namely, politics—of philosophical ideas instead of political principles.
It has been said that the people of this country are deeply interested in the humanitarian and philanthropic considerations involved in the Eastern Question. All must appreciate such feelings. But I am mistaken if
The right honourable gentleman Sir Robert Peel tells us to go back to precedents; with him a great measure is always founded on a small precedent. He traces the steam-engine always back to the tea-kettle. His precedents are generally tea-kettle precedents.
What, then, was that policy? It was a policy of conditional neutrality. Under the circumstances of the case we did not believe that it was for the honour or interest of England or Turkey that we should take any
The noble lord is the Prince Rupert of parliamentary discussion: his charge is resistless, but when he returns from the pursuit he always finds his camp in the possession of the enemy.
How much easier it is to be critical than to be correct.
Free trade is not a principle; it is an expedient.
The legacy of heroes — the memory of a great name and the inheritance of a great example.
Increased means and increased leisure are the two civilizers of man.
Lord Salisbury and myself have brought you back peace, but a peace, I hope, with honour which may satisfy our Sovereign, and tend to the welfare of the country.
At present the peace of the world has been preserved, not by statesmen, but by capitalists.
You cannot choose between party government and Parliamentary government. I say you can have no Parliamentary government if you have no party government; and therefore when gentlemen denounce party government, they strike at the scheme of government which, in my opinion, has made this country great, and which, I hope, will keep it great.
The harebrained chatter of irresponsible frivolity.
I will sit down now, but the time will come when you will hear me.
King Louis Philippe once said to me that he attributed the great success of the British nation in political life to their talking politics after dinner.
He seems to think that posterity is a pack-horse, always ready to be loaded.
We have brought a peace, and we trust we have brought a peace with honour, and I trust that that will now be followed by the prosperity of the country.
Gentlemen, the Tory party, unless it is a national party, is nothing.
The characteristic of the present age is craving credulity.
Colonies do not cease to be colonies because they are independent.
Coalitions though successful have always found this, that their triumph has been brief.
A university should be a place of light, of liberty, and of learning.
An author who speaks about his own books is almost as bad as a mother who talks about her own children.
Apologies only account for that which they do not alter.
The secret of success is constancy to purpose.
What is the question now placed before society with the glib assurance which to me is most astonishing? That question is this: Is man an ape or an angel? I, my lord, I am on the side of the angels. I repudiate with
In the character of the victim Lincoln‚ and even in the accessories of his last moments‚ there is something so homely and innocent that it takes the question‚ as it were‚ out of all the pomp of history and the
The difference of race is one of the reasons why I fear war may always exist; because race implies difference, difference implies superiority, and superiority leads to predominance.
Yes, I am a Jew, and when the ancestors of the right honorable gentleman were brutal savages in an unknown island, mine were priests in the temple of Solomon.
This is the third time that, in the course of six years, during which I have had the lead of the Opposition in the House of Commons, I have stormed the Treasury Benches: twice, fruitlessly, the third time with a tin kettle to my tail which rendered the race hopeless. You cannot, therefore, be surprised, that I am a little wearied of these barren victories, which like Alma, Inkerman, and Balaclava, may be glorious but are certainly nothing more.
Protection is not a principle, but an expedient.
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