Question Third, French - English Canada
Question, is no other than, under a new form, our
old friend the inexorable JENKINS’S - ear
question; soul of all these Controversies, and - except
Silesia and Friedrich’s Question - the
one meaning they have! Huddled together it had
been, at the Peace of Aix - la - Chapelle, and left for
closed under “New Spanish Assiento Treaty,”
or I know not what: - you thought to close
it by Diplomatic putty and varnish in that manner:
and here, by law of Nature, it comes welling up on
you anew. For it springs from the Centre,
as we often say, and is the fountain and determining
element of very large Sections of Human History, still
hidden in the unseen Time.
“Ocean Highway to be free; for
the English and others who have business on it?”
The English have a real and weighty errand there.
“English to trade and navigate, as the Law of
Nature orders, on those Seas; and to ponderate
or preponderate there, according to the real amount
of weight they and their errand have? Or,
English to have their ears torn off; and imperious
French - Spanish Bourbons, grounding on extinct Pope’s - meridians,
gloire and other imaginary bases, to take command?”
The incalculable Yankee Nations, shall they be in effect
YANGKEE ("English” with a difference), or FRANGCEE
("French” with a difference)? A Question
not to be closed by Diplomatic putty, try as you will!
By Treaty of Utrecht (1713), “all
Nova Scotia [ACADIE as then called], with Newfoundland
and the adjacent Islands,” was ceded to the English,
and has ever since been possessed by them accordingly.
Unluckily that Treaty omitted to settle a Line of
Boundary to landward, or westward, for their “Nova
Scotia;” or generally, a Boundary from north
to south between the British Colonies and
the French in those parts.
The Treaty of Aix - la - Chapelle, eager
to conclude itself, stipulated, with great distinctness,
that Cape Breton, all its guns and furnishings entire,
should be restored at once (France extremely anxious
on that point); but for the rest had, being in such
haste, flung itself altogether into the principle
of status - quo - ante, as the short way
for getting through. The boundary in America
was vaguely defined, as “now to be what it had
been before the War.” It had, for many years
before the War, been a subject of constant altercation.
ACADIE, for instance, the Nova Scotia of
the English since Utrecht time, the French maintained
to mean only “the Peninsula”, or Nook
included between the Ocean Waters and the Bay of Fundy.
And, more emphatic still, on the “Isthmus”
(or narrow space, at northwest, between said Bay and
the Ocean or the Gulf of St. Lawrence) they had built
“Forts:” “Stockades,”
or I know not what, “on the Missaquish”
(Hodie Missiquash), a winding difficult river,
northmost of the Bay of Fundy’s rivers, which
the French affirm to be the real limit in that quarter.
The sparse French Colonists of the interior, subjects
of England, are not to be conciliated by perfect toleration
of religion and the like; but have an invincible proclivity
to join their Countrymen outside, and wish well to
those Stockades on the Missiquash. It must be
owned, too, the French Official People are far from
scrupulous or squeamish; show energy of management;
and are very skilful with the Indians, who are an
important item. Canada is all French; has its
Quebecs, Montreals, a St. Lawrence River occupied at
all the good military points, and serving at once
as bulwark and highway.
Southward and westward, France, in
its exuberant humor, claims for itself The whole Basin
of the St. Lawrence, and the whole Basin of the Mississippi
as well: “Have not we Stockades, Castles,
at the military points; Fortified Places in Louisiana
itself?” Yes; - and how many Ploughed
Fields bearing Crop have you? It is to the good
Plougher, not ultimately to the good Cannonier, that
those portions of Creation will belong? The exuberant
intention of the French is, after getting back Cape
Breton, “To restrict those aspiring English Colonies,”
mere Ploughers and Traders, hardly numbering above
one million, “to the Space eastward of the Alleghany
Mountains,” over which they are beginning to
climb, “and southward of that Missiquash, or,
at farthest, of the Penobscot and Kennebunk”
(rivers hodie in the State of Maine). [La Gallisonniere,
Governor of Canada’s despatch, “Quebec,
15th January, 1749” (cited in Bancroft, - History
of the United States, - Boston, 1839, et
seq.). “The English Inhabitants are computed
at 1,051,000; French (in Canada 45,000, in Louisiana
7,000), in all 52,000:” - History of
British Dominions in North America - (London,
1773), . Bancroft counts the English
Colonists in “1754 about 1,200,000.”] That
will be a very pretty Parallelogram for them and their
ploughs and trade - packs: we, who are 50,000 odd,
expert with the rifle far beyond them, will occupy
the rest of the world. Such is the French exuberant
notion: and, October, 1745, before signature
at Aix - la - Chapelle, much more before Delivery of Cape
Breton, the Commandant at Detroit (west end of Lake
Erie) had received orders, “To oppose peremptorily
every English Establishment not only thereabouts,
but on the Ohio or its tributaries; by monition first;
and then by force, if monition do not serve.”
Establishments of any solidity or
regularity the English have not in those parts; beyond
the Alleghanies all is desert: “from the
Canada Lakes to the Carolinas, mere hunting - ground
of the Six Nations; dotted with here and there an
English trading - house, or adventurous Squatter’s
farm:” - to whom now the French are
to say: “Home you, instantly; and leave
the Desert alone!” The French have distinct Orders
from Court, and energetically obey the same; the English
have indistinct Orders from Nature, and do not want
energy, or mind to obey these: confusions and
collisions are manifold, ubiquitous, continual.
Of which the history would be tiresome to everybody;
and need only be indicated here by a mark or two of
the main passages.
In 1749, three things had occurred
worth mention. First, Captain Coram, a public - spirited
half - pay gentleman in London, originator of the Foundling
Hospital there, had turned his attention to the fine
capabilities and questionable condition of Nova
Scotia, with few inhabitants, and those mostly
disaffected; and, by many efforts now forgotten, had
got the Government persuaded to despatch (June, 1749)
a kind of Half - pay or Military Colony to those parts:
“more than 1,400 persons disbanded officers,
soldiers and marines, under Colonel Edward Cornwallis,”
Brother of the since famous Lord Cornwallis. [Coxe’s - Pelham, - i.] Who landed, accordingly, on that rough shore;
stockaded themselves in, hardily endeavoring and enduring;
and next year, built a Town for themselves; Town of
Halifax (so named from the then Lord Halifax,
President of the Board of Trade); which stands there,
in more and more conspicuous manner, at this day.
Thanks to you, Captain Coram; though the ungrateful
generations (except dimly in Coram Street, near
your Hospital) have lost all memory of you, as their
wont is. Blockheads; never mind them.
The second thing is, an “Ohio
Company” has got together in Virginia; Governor
there encouraging; Britannic Majesty giving Charter
(March, 1749), and what is still easier, “500,000
Acres of Land” in those Ohio regions, since
you are minded to colonize there in a fixed manner.
Britannic Majesty thinks the Country “between
the Monongahela and the Kanahawy” (southern
feeders of Ohio) will do best; but is not particular.
Ohio Company, we shall find, chose at last, as the
eligible spot, the topmost fork or very Head of the
Ohio, - where Monongahela River from south
and Alleghany River from north unite to form “The
Ohio;” where stands, in our day, the big sooty
Town of Pittsburg and its industries. Ohio Company
was laudably eager on this matter; Land - Surveyor in
it (nay, at length, “Colonel of a Regiment of
150 men raised by the Ohio Company”) was Mr.
George Washington, whose Family had much promoted
the Enterprise; and who was indeed a steady - going,
considerate, close - mouthed Young Gentleman; who came
to great distinction in the end.
French Governor (La Gallisonniere
still the man), getting wind of this Ohio Company
still in embryo, anticipates the birth; sends a vigilant
Commandant thitherward, “with 300 men, To trace
and occupy the Valleys of the Ohio and of the St.
Lawrence, as far as Detroit.” That officer
“buries plates of lead,” up and down the
Country, with inscriptions signifying that “from
the farthest ridge, whence water trickled towards
the Ohio, the Country belonged to France; and nails
the Bourbon Lilies to the forest - trees; forbidding
the Indians all trade with the English; expels the
English traders from the towns of the Miamis; and writes
to the Governor of Pennsylvania, requesting him to
prevent all farther intrusion.” Vigilant
Governors, these French, and well supported from home.
Duquesne, the vigilant successor of La Gallisonniere
(who is now wanted at home, for still more important
purposes, as will appear), finding “the lead
plates” little regarded, sends, by and by, 500
new soldiers from Detroit into those Ohio parts (march
of 100 miles or so); - “the French
Government having, in this year 1750, shipped no fewer
than 8,000 men for their American Garrisons;” - and
where the Ohio Company venture on planting a Stockade,
tears it tragically out, as will be seen!
The third thing worth notice,
in 1749, and still more in the following year and
years, had reference to Nova Scotia again. One
La Corne, “a recklessly sanguinary partisan”
(military gentleman of the Trenck, indigo - Trenck
species), nestles himself (winter, 1749 - 50) on that
Missiquash River, head of the Bay of Fundy; in the
Village of Chignecto, which is admittedly English
ground, though inhabited by French. La Corne
compels, or admits, the Inhabitants to swear allegiance
to France again; and to make themselves useful in
fortifying, not to say in drilling, - with
an eye to military work. Hearing of which, Colonel
Cornwallis and incipient Halifax are much at a loss.
They in vain seek aid from the Governor of Massachusetts
("Assembly to be consulted first, to be convinced;
Constitutional rights: - Nothing possible
just, at once"); - and can only send a party
of 400 men, to try and recover Chignecto at any rate.
April 20th, 1750, the 400 arrive there; order La Corne
instantly to go. Bourbon Flag is waving on his
dikes, this side the Missiquash: high time that
he and it were gone. “Village Priest [flamingly
orthodox, as all these Priests are, all picked for
the business], with his own hands, sets fire to the
Church in Chignecto; “inhabitants burn their
houses, and escape across the river, - La
Corne as rear - guard. La Corne, across the Missiquash,
declares, That, to a certainty, he is now on French
ground; that he will, at all hazards, defend the Territory
here; and maintain every inch of it, - “till
regular Commissioners [due ever since the Treaty of
Aix, had not that Romish - king Business been
so pressing] have settled what the Boundary between
the two Countries is.” - Chignecto being
ashes, and the neighboring population gone, Cornwallis
and his Four Hundred had to return to Halifax.
It was not till Autumn following,
that Chignecto could be solidly got hold of by the
Halifax people; nor till a long time after, that La
Corne could be dislodged from his stockades, and sent
packing. [ - Gentleman’s Magazine, - x, 295.] September, 1750, a new Expedition on Chignecto
found the place populous again, Indians, French “Peasants”
(seemingly Soldiers of a sort); who stood very fiercely
behind their defences, and needed a determined on - rush,
and “volley close into their noses,” before
disappearing. This was reckoned the first military
bloodshed (if this were really military on the French
side). And in November following, some small
British Cruiser on those Coasts, falling in with a
French Brigantine, from Quebec, evidently carrying
military stores and solacements for La Corne, seized
the same; by force of battle, since not otherwise, - three
men lost to the British, five to the French, - and
brought it to Halifax. “Lawful and necessary!”
says the Admiralty Court; “Sheer Piracy!”
shriek the French; - matters breaking out
into actual flashes of flame, in this manner.
British Commissions, two in number,
names not worth mention, have, at last, in this Year
1750, gone to Paris; and are holding manifold conferences
with French ditto, - to no “purpose,
any of them. One reads the dreary tattle of the
Duke of Newcastle upon it, in the Years onward:
“Just going to agree,” the Duke hopes;
“some difficulties, but everybody, French and
English, wanting mere justice; and our and their Commissioners
being in such a generous spirit, surely they will soon
settle it.” [His Letters, in Coxe’s - Pelham, - i ("September, 1751"), &c.] They never did or could;
and steadily it went on worsening.
That notable private assertion of
the French, That Canada and Louisiana mean all America
West of the Alleghanies, had not yet oozed out to the
English; but it is gradually oozing out, and that England
will have to content itself with the moderate Country
lying east of that Blue range. “Not much
above a million of you”, say the French; “and
surely there is room enough East of the Alleghanies?
We, with our couple of Colonies, are the real America; - counting,
it is true, few settlers as yet; but there shall be
innumerable; and, in the mean while, there are Army - Detachments,
Block - houses, fortified Posts, command of the Rivers,
of the Indian Nations, of the water - highways and military
keys (to you unintelligible); and we will make it
good!”
The exact cipher of the French (guessed
to be 50,000), and their precise relative - value as
tillers and subduers of the soil, in these Two Colonies
of theirs, as against the English Thirteen, would be
interesting to know: curious also their little
bill, of trouble taken in creating the Continent of
America, in discovering it, visiting, surveying, planting,
taming, making habitable for man: - and what
Rhadamanthus would have said of those Two Documents!
Enough, the French have taken some trouble, more or
less, - especially in sending soldiers out,
of late. The French, to certain thousands, languidly
tilling, hunting and adventuring, and very skilful
in wheedling the Indian Nations, are actually there;
and they, in the silence of Rhadamanthus, decide that
merit shall not miss its wages for want of asking.
“Ours is America West of the Alleghanies,”
say the French, openly before long.
“Yours? Yours, of all people’s?”
answer the English; and begin, with lethargic effort,
to awake a little to that stupid Foreign Question;
important, though stupid and foreign, or lying far
off. Who really owned all America, probably few
Englishmen had ever asked themselves, in their dreamiest
humors, nor could they now answer; but, that North
America does not belong to the French, can be doubtful
to no English creature. Pitt, Chatham as we now
call him, is perhaps the Englishman to whom, of all
others, it is least doubtful. Pitt is in Office
at last, - in some subaltern capacity, “Paymaster
of the Forces” for some years past, in spite
of Majesty’s dislike of the outspoken man; - and
has his eyes bent on America; - which is perhaps (little as you would guess it
such) the main fact in that confused Controversy just now! -
In 1753 (28th August of that Year),
goes message from the Home Government, “Stand
on your defence, over there! Repel by force any
Foreign encroachments on British Dominions.”
[Holderness, or Robinson our old friend.] And
directly on the heel of this, November, 1753, the
Virginia Governor, - urged, I can believe,
by the Ohio Company, who are lying wind - bound so long, - despatches
Mr. George Washington to inquire officially of the
French Commandant in those parts, “What he means,
then, by invading the British Territories, while a
solid Peace subsists?” Mr. George had a long
ride up those desert ranges, and down again on the
other side; waters all out, ground in a swash with
December rains, no help or direction but from wampums
and wigwams: Mr. George got to Ohio Head
(two big Rivers, Monongahela from South, Alleghany
from North, coalescing to form a double - big Ohio for
the Far West); and thought to himself, “What
an admirable three - legged place: might be Chief
Post of those regions, - nest - egg of a diligent
Ohio Company.!” Mr. George, some way down the
Ohio River, found a strongish French Fort, log - barracks,
“200 river - boats, with more building,”
and a French Commandant, who cannot enter into questions
of a diplomatic nature about Peace and War: “My
orders are, To keep this Fort and Territory against
all comers; one must do one’s orders, Monsieur:
Adieu!” And the steadfast Washington had to
return; without result, - except that of the
admirable Three - legged Place for dropping your Nest - egg,
in a commanding and defenceful way!
Ohio Company, painfully restrained
so long in that operation, took the hint at once.
Despatched, early in 1754, a Party of some Forty or
Thirty - three stout fellows, with arms about them, as
well as tools, “Go build us, straightway, a
Stockade in the place indicated; you are warranted
to smite down, by shot or otherwise, any gainsayer!”
And furthermore, directly got on foot, and on the
road thither, a “regiment of 150 men,”
Washington as Colonel to it, For perfecting said Stockade,
and maintaining it against all comers.
Washington and his Hundred - and - fifty - wagonage,
provender and a piece or two of cannon, all well attended
to - vigorously climbed the Mountains; got
to the top 27th May, 1754; and there met the Thirty - three
in retreat homewards! Stockade had been torn
out, six weeks ago (17th April last); by overwhelming
French Force, from the Gentleman who said adieu,
and had the river - boats, last Fall. And, instead
of our Stockade, they are now building a regular French
Fort, - Fort Duquesne, they call
it, in honor of their Governor Duquesne: - against
which, Washington and his regiment, what are they?
Washington, strictly surveying, girds himself up for
the retreat; descends diligently homewards again,
French and Indians rather harassing his rear.
In - trenches himself, 1st July, at what he calls “Fort
Necessity,” some way down; and the second day
after, 3d July, 1754, is attacked in vigorous military
manner. Defends himself, what he can, through
nine hours of heavy rain; has lost thirty, the French
only three; - and is obliged to capitulate:
“Free Withdrawal” the terms given.
This is the last I heard of the Ohio Company; not the
last of Washington, by any means. Ohio Company, - its
judicious Nest - egg squelched in this manner, nay become
a fiery Cockatrice or “Fort Duquesne:” - need
not be mentioned farther.
By this time, surely high time now,
serious military preparations were on foot; especially
in the various Colonies most exposed. But, as
usual, it is a thing of most admired disorder; every
Governor his own King or Vice - King, horses are pulling
different ways: small hope there, unless the
Home Government (where too I have known the horses
a little discrepant, unskilful in harness!) will seriously
take it in hand. The Home Government is taking
it in hand; horses willing, if a thought unskilful.
Royal Highness of Cumberland has selected General
Braddock, and Two Regiments of the Line (the two that
ran away at Prestonpans, - absit omen).
Royal Highness consults, concocts, industriously prepares,
completes; modestly certain that here now is the effectual
remedy.
About New - year’s day, 1755,
Braddock, with his Two Regiments and completed apparatus,
got to sea. Arrived, 20th February, at Williamsburg
in Virginia ("at Hampden, near there,” if anybody
is particular); found now that this was not the place
to arrive at; that he would lose six weeks of marching,
by not having landed in Pennsylvania instead.
Found that his Stores had been mispacked at Cork, - that
this had happened, and also that; - and,
in short, that Chaos had been very considerably prevalent
in this Adventure of his; and did still, in all that
now lay round it, much prevail. Poor man:
very brave, they say; but without knowledge, except
of field - drill; a heart of iron, but brain mostly
of pipe - clay quality. A man severe and rigorous
in regimental points; contemptuous of the Colonial
Militias, that gathered to help him; thrice - contemptuous
of the Indians, who were a vital point in the Enterprise
ahead. Chaos is very strong, - especially
if within oneself as well! Poor Braddock took
the Colonial Militia Regiments, Colonel Washington
as Aide - de - Camp; took the Indians and Appendages, Colonial
Chaos much presiding: and after infinite delays
and confused hagglings, got on march; - 2,000
regular, and of all sorts say 4,000 strong.
Got on march; sprawled and haggled
up the Alleghanies, - such a Commissariat,
such a wagon - service, as was seldom seen before.
Poor General and Army, he was like to be starved outright,
at one time; had not a certain Mr. Franklin come to
him, with charitable oxen, with 500 pounds - worth provisions
live and dead, subscribed for at Philadelphia, - Mr
Benjamin Franklin, since celebrated over all the world;
who did not much admire this iron - tempered General
with the pipe - clay brain. [Franklin’s autobiography; - Gentleman’s
Magazine, - xx.] Thereupon, however,
Braddock took the road again; sprawled and staggered,
at the long last, to the top; “at the top of
the Alleghanies, 15th June;” - and
forward down upon Fort Duquesne, “roads
nearly perpendicular in some places,” at the
rate of “four miles” and even of “one
mile per day.” Much wood all about, - and
the 400 Indians to rear, in a despised and disgusted
condition, instead of being vanward keeping their
brightest outlook.
July 8th, Braddock crossed the Monongahela
without hindrance. July 9th, was within ten miles
of Fort Duquesne; plodding along; marching
through a wood, when, - Ambuscade of French
and Indians burst out on him, French with defences
in front and store of squatted Indians on each flank, - who
at once blew him to destruction, him and his Enterprise
both. His men behaved very ill; sensible perhaps
that they were not led very well. Wednesday,
9th July, 1755, about three in the afternoon.
His two regiments gave one volley and no more; utterly
terror - struck by the novelty, by the misguidance,
as at Prestonpans before; shot, it was whispered,
several of their own Officers, who were furiously rallying
them with word and sword: of the sixty Officers,
only five were not killed or wounded. Brave men
clad in soldier’s uniform, victims of military
Chaos, and miraculous Nescience, in themselves and
in others: can there be a more distressing spectacle?
Imaginary workers are all tragical, in this world;
and come to a bad end, sooner or later, they or their
representatives here: but the Imaginary Soldier - he
is paid his wages (he and his poor Nation are) on
the very nail!
Braddock, refusing to fall back as
advised, had five horses shot under him; was himself
shot, in the arm, in the breast; was carried off the
field in a death - stupor, - forward all that
night, next day and next (to Fort Cumberland, seventy
miles to rear); - and on the fourth day died.
The Colonial Militias had stood their ground, Colonel
Washington now of some use again; - who were
ranked well to rearward; and able to receive the ambuscade
as an open fight. Stood striving, for about three
hours. And would have saved the retreat; had
there been a retreat, instead of a panic rout, to
save. The poor General - ebbing homewards,
he and his Enterprise, hour after hour - roused
himself twice only, for a moment, from his death - stupor:
once, the first night, to ejaculate mournfully, “Who
would have thought it!” And again once, he was
heard to say, days after, in a tone of hope, “Another
time we will do better!” which were his last
words, “death following in a few minutes.”
Weary, heavy - laden soul; deep Sleep now descending
on it, - soft sweet cataracts of Sleep and
Rest; suggesting hope, and triumph over sorrow, after
all: - “Another time we will do better;”
and in few minutes was dead! [Manuscript journal
of general Braddock’s expedition
in 1755 (British Museum: King’s Library,
271 e, King’s Ms: raw - material,
this, of the Official Account ( - London
Gazette, - August 26th, 1755), where it is
faithfully enough abridged. Will perhaps be printed
by some inquiring PITTSBURGHER, one day, after good
study on the ground itself? It was not till 1758
that the bones of the slain were got buried, and the
infant Pittsburg (now so busy and smoky) rose from
the ashes of Fort Duquesne.]
The Colonial Populations, who had
been thinking of Triumphal Arches for Braddock’s
return, are struck to the nadir by this news.
French and Indians break over the Mountains, harrying,
burning, scalping; the Black Settlers fly inward,
with horror and despair: “And the Home Government,
too, can prove a broken reed? What is to become
of us; whose is America to be?” - And
in fact, under such guidance from Home Governments
and Colonial, there is no saying how the matter might
have gone. To men of good judgment, and watching
on the spot, it was, for years coming, an ominous
dubiety, - the chances rather for the French,
“who understand war, and are all under one head.”
[Governor Pownal’s Memorial (of which infra),
in Thackeray’s - Life of Chatham. - ] But there happens to be in England a
Mr. Pitt, with royal eyes more and more indignantly set on this Business; and in
the womb of Time there lie combinations and conjunctures. If the Heavens
have so decreed! -
The English had, before this, despatched
their Admiral Boscawen, to watch certain War - ships,
which they had heard the French were fitting out for
America; and to intercept the same, by capture if not
otherwise. Boscawen is on the outlook, accordingly;
descries a French fleet, Coast of Newfoundland, first
days of June; loses it again in the fogs of the Gulf - Stream;
but has, June 9th (a month before that of Braddock),
come up with Two Frigates of it, and, after short
broadsiding, made prizes of them. And now, on
this Braddock Disaster, orders went, “To seize
and detain all French Ships whatsoever, till satisfaction
were had.” And, before the end of this
Year, about “800 French ships (value, say, 700,000
pounds)” were seized accordingly, where seizable
on their watery ways. Which the French ("our
own conduct in America being so undeniably proper”)
characterized as utter piracy and robbery; - and
getting no redress upon it, by demand in that style,
had to take it as no better than meaning Open War
Declared. [Paris, December 21st, 1755, Minister Rouille’s
Remonstrance, with menace “Unless - :”
London, January 13th, 1756, Secretary Fox’s
reply, “Well then, no!”
Due official “Declaration of War” followed:
on the English part, “17th May, 1756;”
“9th June,” on the French part.]